POS3413 The American Presidency examines the constitutional office, the institution that has grown up around it, and the individuals who have occupied it — and the relationship among those three things is the course's central problem. The Constitution's description of executive power is remarkably brief; what the presidency has become was built afterwards, by statute, by practice, by crisis, and by the ambitions of particular people.
The course is offered at approximately seven Florida institutions, including the University of West Florida, the University of Central Florida, the University of North Florida, Florida International University and Florida A&M University.
At the University of West Florida the course is titled The Presidency and offered by the Department of Government. UWF's description sets out the structure directly and unusually conversationally: the course begins with a critical overview of the constitutional parameters of the executive office — what the founders expected from an executive — then examines how the presidential institution has evolved since the founding, noting that the presidency occupies a somewhat different place now in our separated system of branches sharing power than it once did, and gives particular attention to how individual presidents have impacted the scope and direction of the office.
That phrase — "separated system of branches sharing power" — is the analytical frame the course is built on, and it is worth understanding before the first class. The familiar description of American government as "separation of powers" is misleading. The Constitution does not assign each branch a distinct sphere; it gives each branch a share of the others' functions. The president can veto legislation; the Senate confirms appointments and ratifies treaties; Congress controls appropriations; courts review executive action. What the system actually separates is institutions, and what it shares is power — which means presidential power is fundamentally about persuading, bargaining and manoeuvring rather than commanding.
The scholarly literature on the presidency turns on that point. The classic account holds that presidential power is the power to persuade — that a president's formal authority is thin, and their effectiveness depends on professional reputation and public prestige. Later work emphasises the substantial unilateral capacity presidents have developed through executive orders, memoranda, signing statements, administrative rulemaking and control of the executive branch. Both are true, and the tension between them organises the modern field. A student who finishes this course should be able to say when each account applies.
The course also has an unavoidable contemporary edge. Questions about the scope of executive authority, the boundaries of presidential immunity, the use of emergency powers, the politics of impeachment, and the durability of institutional norms are not settled historical matters — they are live constitutional controversies. A good version of this course treats them analytically rather than as partisan positions, and students of every political disposition should expect to have their assumptions examined rather than confirmed.
Political science courses connect to careers through the analytical and writing skills they build and through the substantive knowledge required in government and politics work.
Florida's political employment is larger than students assume. Tallahassee is a full state capital with a legislature, executive agencies, a substantial lobbying corps, trade associations and political consultancies — and it is one of the more accessible capitals in the country for student internships. Florida's status as the largest swing state for much of the past quarter-century means presidential campaigns, party organisations and consulting firms maintain year-round Florida operations, which is genuinely unusual and creates opportunities that students in most states do not have. Add congressional district offices across the state, county and municipal government, the state's universities and think tanks, and a large advocacy sector.
Practical advice: intern. The Florida Legislature runs an internship programme during session, congressional offices take interns year-round in Washington and in district offices, and campaigns take volunteers constantly. In this field the internship is not a supplement to the degree; it is how people get hired, and Florida offers more of these opportunities per student than almost any other state.
The statewide title is The American Presidency; the University of West Florida titles POS 3413 simply The Presidency. This is trivial drift — the subject is identical, and no version of this course covers non-American executives except in a comparative unit. Search by number.
Related numbers worth distinguishing: POS 3424 and similar numbers for the legislative branch, POS 3283 or equivalents for the judiciary and constitutional law, and POS 2041 (American National Government), the introductory survey that most institutions require before this course. The presidency, Congress and the courts are usually three separate upper-division courses, and a student who wants a full picture of the separated system should plan for more than one.
UWF lists no prerequisite for POS 3413. Practice statewide commonly requires POS 2041 (American National Government) or equivalent, and sometimes junior standing. The introductory survey is genuinely useful preparation — this course assumes familiarity with the constitutional structure, the legislative process and the party system, and develops none of them from scratch.
The course is an upper-division elective in political science, normally taken in the junior or senior year, and is a common elective for students in history, communication, criminal justice, public administration and pre-law. It pairs naturally with courses on Congress, constitutional law, public policy and campaigns and elections.
POS3413 carries the same SCNS number across Florida public institutions and SCNS equivalency governs transfer of the credit. As an upper-division course it does not appear in A.A. programmes and is taken after transfer. It transfers straightforwardly; the receiving department determines whether it satisfies a subfield requirement, which for an American politics elective is rarely contentious.
Three credit hours, approximately 45 contact hours, taught as lecture and discussion; online sections are common. Assessment normally combines examinations with essay components, analytical papers, and often a research paper on a specific president, power or controversy. Expect six to nine hours a week outside class, weighted toward reading.
A research suggestion worth taking: the American Presidency Project makes it genuinely easy for an undergraduate to do original work — counting and coding executive orders, tracing the language of signing statements across administrations, or tracking how a particular claim of authority developed over time. That is real research using primary documents, it is more interesting than summarising the literature, and instructors generally welcome it.
This course covers material about which students hold strong prior commitments, and it examines recent and ongoing controversies over executive authority. Two things are worth saying plainly.
First, the analytical questions are genuinely separable from the partisan ones, and the course's value depends on making that separation. Whether a particular use of emergency powers was constitutionally sound is a question about text, precedent and institutional practice — and answering it consistently means reaching the same conclusion regardless of which party's president acted. A recurring finding in the scholarly literature is that assessments of presidential power correlate strongly with whether one's own party holds the office, among the public and, less excusably, among commentators. The discipline's standard is consistency across administrations, and students should expect to be held to it.
Second, the historical perspective is genuinely clarifying. Claims that a particular development is unprecedented are usually wrong; the expansion of executive power has been a two-century process advanced by presidents of every party, and nearly every contemporary controversy has antecedents. That observation does not settle whether any particular action was justified — but it reframes the question from "is this outrageous" to "what changed, when, and under what conditions", which is a question that can actually be answered.
Two distinct connections belong in this course: what these systems mean for the presidency as an institution, and what they mean for studying it.
The institutional questions are live and are genuinely the course's subject matter. The executive branch is deploying AI across agencies, which raises questions about administrative capacity and about the president's control of the bureaucracy — a central theme of the modern presidency literature. Executive orders and agency guidance have become a primary instrument of national AI policy, which makes AI regulation a live example of unilateral action: policy made by order rather than statute, effective immediately and reversible by the next administration. That is a textbook illustration of both the power and the fragility of unilateral governance, and it is a better contemporary example than most textbooks contain.
The campaign and communication side is equally on-topic. Synthetic audio and video of candidates, automated persuasion at scale, and the erosion of the shared factual record all bear on the course's public opinion and communication units. A more subtle point worth raising in discussion: the credible existence of synthetic media damages accountability in both directions — fabricated evidence can be presented as real, and genuine evidence can be dismissed as fabricated. For an office whose accountability depends substantially on the public record, that is a structural problem rather than a technical one.
For studying the presidency, the tools help unevenly. They explain a concept, summarise a scholarly debate, and help structure an argument. They are useful for orienting yourself in an unfamiliar literature. They are unreliable on specifics in ways that matter here: they misattribute executive orders, invent quotations from presidents, misstate the holdings of separation-of-powers cases, and confuse the details of legislative and constitutional history. On recent events they are limited by their training horizon and will state things that have since changed.
The verification standard in this subject is unusually easy to meet, which removes any excuse. The American Presidency Project has the actual text of the executive order. Congress.gov has the actual bill. The Supreme Court publishes the actual opinion. Every claim in a submitted paper should rest on a primary document you have opened, and in this field they are all one search away and free.
One genuinely valuable research application deserves mention. Computational text analysis of the presidential record — the full corpus of public papers, executive orders, press conferences and speeches — is an established scholarly method, and the corpus is public. Measuring how presidential rhetoric has changed, tracking the frequency and scope of unilateral directives across administrations, or comparing the language of signing statements is real political science that an undergraduate can now attempt. The tools make the counting feasible; the research question and the interpretation remain yours, which is the right division of labour and a good thing for a student to experience directly.
Generated September 6, 2026 · Updated September 6, 2026